Zionism

Zionism[a] is an ethnocultural nationalist[b] movement that emerged in late 19th-century Europe to establish and support a Jewish homeland through the colonization of Palestine,[2] a region corresponding to the Land of Israel in Judaism[3] and central to Jewish history. Zionists wanted to create a Jewish state in Palestine with as much land, as many Jews, and as few Palestinian Arabs as possible.[4]

Zionism initially emerged in Central and Eastern Europe as a secular nationalist movement in the late 19th century, in reaction to newer waves of antisemitism and in response to the Haskalah, or Jewish Enlightenment.[5][6] The arrival of Zionist settlers to Palestine during this period is widely seen as the start of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The Zionist claim to Palestine was based on the notion that the Jews' historical right to the land outweighed that of the Arabs.[7]

In 1917, the Balfour Declaration established Britain's support for the movement. In 1922, the Mandate for Palestine, governed by Britain, explicitly privileged Jewish settlers over the local Palestinian population. In 1948, the State of Israel declared its independence and the first Arab-Israeli war broke out. During the war, Israel expanded its territory to control over 78% of Mandatory Palestine. As a result of the 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight, an estimated 160,000 of 870,000 Palestinians in the territory remained, forming a Palestinian minority in Israel.[8]

Zionist views have varied over time and are not uniform, resulting in a variety of types of Zionism.[9] The Zionist mainstream has historically included Liberal, Labor, Revisionist, and Cultural Zionism, while groups like Brit Shalom and Ihud have been dissident factions within the movement.[10] Religious Zionism is a variant of Zionist ideology that brings together secular nationalism and religious conservatism. Advocates of Zionism have viewed it as a national liberation movement for the repatriation of an indigenous people (who were subject to persecution and share a national identity through national consciousness), to the homeland of their ancestors.[11][12][13] Opponents of Zionism often characterize it as a supremacist,[14][15][16] colonialist,[17] or racist ideology,[18] or as a settler colonialist movement.[19][20]


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  1. ^ Gans 2008, p. 3.
  2. ^
    • Aaronson 1996, p. 223: "On the other hand, our study has revealed that Jewish colonization resembled in many respects the model of pure "settlement of population" ("colonization de peuplement"), in the sense of involving colonization without colonialism."
    • Cohen 2011, p. 128:"In February 1928, Weizmann submitted an official request to the government for a loan guarantee. He explained that the Zionist Loan was needed to promote further Jewish colonization in Palestine. [...] He advised that both the Zionists and the government should initiate a new period of Zionist colonizing activity as soon as possible."
    • Murphy 2005: "The first forty years of the twentieth century witnessed the transformation of Zionism from a philosophical discourse to a practical programme for the colonisation of Palestine."
    • Yadgar 2017, p. 207:"At the foundation of the Zionist outlook stood the aspiration to establish a state. And absolute sovereignty is needed for Zionism more than for any other nation, because Zionism demanded the right of unrestricted immigration and unrestricted colonization, which can be brought about only by complete sovereignty."
    • Shapira, Anita (1992a). "Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881–1948". The American Historical Review. 98 (4). Oxford University Press: 355. doi:10.1086/ahr/98.4.1302. ISSN 0002-8762. Retrieved July 19, 2025. In many respects, Zionism was unique as a national movement. One of its (presumably singular) characteristic features stemmed from the fact that it was a national liberation movement that was destined to function as a movement promoting settlement in a country of colonization. [...] Zionist psychology was molded by the conflicting parameters of a national liberation movement and a movement of European colonization in a Middle Eastern country. [...] The Zionist movement (in particular, it socialist variant) viewed itself as belonging to the forces striving for a better world and could not accept the fact that the framework of its activity was determined by the contours of a country of colonization.
    • Elazari-Volcani, J. (1932). "Jewish Colonization in Palestine". The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 164: 84–94. doi:10.1177/000271623216400112. ISSN 0002-7162. JSTOR 1018961. Retrieved July 19, 2025.
    • Gelvin, James L. (March 11, 2021). "Zionism and the Colonization of Palestine". The Israel-Palestine Conflict: A History (4th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 49–80. doi:10.1017/9781108771634. ISBN 978-1-108-77163-4. Retrieved July 19, 2025.
    • Collins 2011, pp. 169–185: "... and as subsequent work (Finkelstein 1995; Massad 2005; Pappe 2006; Said 1992; Shafir 1989) has definitively established, the architects of Zionism were conscious and often unapologetic about their status as colonizers."
    • Bloom 2011, pp. 2, 13, 49, 132: "Dr. Arthur Ruppin was sent to Palestine for the first time in 1907 by the heads of the German [World] Zionist Organization in order to make a pilot study of the possibilities for colonization. ... Oppenheimer was a German sociologist and political economist. As a worldwide expert on colonization he became Herzl's advisor and formulated the first program for Zionist colonization, which he presented at the 6th Zionist Congress (Basel 1903) . ... Daniel Boyarin wrote that the group of Zionists who imagined themselves colonialists inclined to that persona "because such a representation was pivotal to the entire project of becoming 'white men'." Colonization was seen as a sign of belonging to western and modern culture;"
    • Robinson 2013, p. 18: "'Never before', wrote Berl Katznelson, founding editor of the Histadrut daily, Davar, 'has the white man undertaken colonization with that sense of justice and social progress which fills the Jew who comes to Palestine.'" Berl Katznelson
    • Alroey 2011, p. 5: "Herzl further sharpened the issue when he tried to make diplomacy precede settlement, precluding any possibility of preemptive and unplanned settlement in the Land of Israel: "Should the powers show themselves willing to grant us sovereignty over a neutral land, then the Society will enter into negotiations for the possession of this land. Here two regions come to mind: Palestine and Argentina. Significant experiments in colonization have been made in both countries, though on the mistaken principle of gradual infiltration of Jews. Infiltration is bound to end badly."
    • Jabotinsky 1923: "Colonisation can have only one aim, and Palestine Arabs cannot accept this aim. It lies in the very nature of things, and in this particular regard nature cannot be changed .. . Zionist colonisation must either stop, or else proceed regardless of the native population." Ze'ev Jabotinsky quoted in Alan Balfour, The Walls of Jerusalem: Preserving the Past, Controlling the Future, Wiley, 2019, p. 59, ISBN 978-1-119-18229-0.
    • Piterberg, Gabriel (April 1, 2010). "Settlers and their States". New Left Review (62): 115–124. It is within the typology of settler colonialisms that I place the Zionist colonization of Palestine and the state of Israel—a move which surely should have put to rest the tedious contention that Zionism could not be termed a colonial venture because it lacked the features of metropole colonialism; as if anyone were suggesting otherwise. What its apologists fail to confront is the settler-colonial paradigm.
  3. ^
    • Safrai 2018, p. 76: "The preoccupation of rabbinic literature in all its forms with the Land of Israel is without question intensive and constant. It is no wonder that this literature offers historians of the Land of Israel a wealth of information for the clarification of a wide variety of topics."
    • Biger 2004, pp. 58–63: "Unlike the earlier literature that dealt with Palestine's delimitation, the boundaries were not presented according to their historical traditional meaning, but according to the boundaries of the Jewish Eretz Israel that was about to be established there. This approach characterizes all the Zionist publications at the time ... when they came to indicate borders, they preferred the realistic condition and strategic economic needs over an unrealistic dream based on the historic past.' This meant that planners envisaged a future Palestine that controlled all the Jordan's sources, the southern part of the Litanni river in Lebanon, the large cultivatable area east of the Jordan, including the Houran and Gil'ad wheat zone, Mt Hermon, the Yarmuk and Yabok rivers, the Hijaz Railway ... ."
    • Motyl 2001, p. 604
    • Herzl, Theodor (1988) [1896]. "Biography, by Alex Bein". Der Judenstaat [The Jewish state]. Translated by Sylvie d'Avigdor (republication ed.). New York: Courier Dover. p. 40. ISBN 978-0-486-25849-2. Archived from the original on January 1, 2014. Retrieved September 28, 2010.
  4. ^ Cite error: The named reference ZionistLandJewsArabs was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  5. ^
    • Conforti 2024, p. 485: "The crisis in the Enlightenment movement in the late nineteenth century gave way to the rise of alternative ideologies, such as Jewish nationalism and socialism. Early Zionist thinkers, such as Peretz Smolenskin (1842–1885), sharply criticized the Enlightenment scholars and their universalist approach."
    • Shillony 2012, p. 88: "[Zionism] arose in response to and in imitation of the current national movements of Central, Southern, and Eastern Europe"
    • LeVine & Mossberg 2014, p. 211: "The parents of Zionism were not Judaism and tradition, but anti-Semitism and nationalism. The ideals of the French Revolution spread slowly across Europe, finally reaching the Pale of Settlement in the Russian Empire and helping to set off the Haskalah, or Jewish Enlightenment. This engendered a permanent split in the Jewish world, between those who held to a halachic or religious-centric vision of their identity and those who adopted in part the racial rhetoric of the time and made the Jewish people into a nation. This was helped along by the wave of pogroms in Eastern Europe that set two million Jews to flight; most wound up in America, but some chose Palestine. A driving force behind this was the Hovevei Zion movement, which worked from 1882 to develop a Hebrew identity that was distinct from Judaism as a religion."
    • Gelvin 2014, p. 93: "The fact that Palestinian nationalism developed later than Zionism and indeed in response to it does not in any way diminish the legitimacy of Palestinian nationalism or make it less valid than Zionism. All nationalisms arise in opposition to some 'other'. Why else would there be the need to specify who you are? And all nationalisms are defined by what they oppose. As we have seen, Zionism itself arose in reaction to anti-Semitic and exclusionary nationalist movements in Europe. It would be perverse to judge Zionism as somehow less valid than European anti-Semitism or those nationalisms. Furthermore, Zionism itself was also defined by its opposition to the indigenous Palestinian inhabitants of the region. Both the 'conquest of land' and the 'conquest of labor' slogans that became central to the dominant strain of Zionism in the Yishuv originated as a result of the Zionist confrontation with the Palestinian 'other'."
  6. ^
  7. ^ Cite error: The named reference OutweighedArabsBundle was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  8. ^ United Nations General Assembly (August 23, 1951). "General Progress Report and Supplementary Report of the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine". Archived from the original (OpenDocument) on August 22, 2011. Retrieved May 3, 2007.
  9. ^
    • Dubnov 2011: "Relatively recent examples of the search for this "core" idea in Zionism (which tends to label ideological diversity as "heresy" or "deviation") can be found in Gorny and Netzer, "'Avodat ha-hoveh ha-murhevet'"; Halpern and Reinharz, Zionism and the Creation of a New Society; and Shimoni, The Zionist Ideology. Older studies that are based on a similar presupposition include Heller, The Zionist Idea, and most famously Hertzberg, The Zionist Idea."
    • Gorny 1987
    • Yadgar 2017, pp. 119–160, "Main Zionist Streams and Jewish Traditions"
    • Stanislawski 2017
    • Penslar 2023, p. 36
    • Seidler 2012, p. 176 "conflicting founding designs...express the formative ideological background underlying the very idea of the State of Israel."
    • Boyarin 2025, pp. 137–160}: "What we call Zionism, despite the existence of a World Zionist Organization and then a Zionist state, is in fact a catchall for numerous, often contradictory currents of thought."
    • Shoham 2013
    • Shindler 2015: "Zionism was never a monolithic movement. It would be more correct to speak of a range of different varieties of Zionism. Herzl's General Zionism immediately began to flow into different ideological streams."
  10. ^ Gorny 1987, p. .
  11. ^ Troen 2007, pp. 873–875.
  12. ^ Aaronson 1996, pp. 215, 224.
  13. ^ Cohen 2011, pp. 118, 120, 128.
  14. ^ Sabbagh-Khoury 2023, Conclusion.
  15. ^ Beinart 2025.
  16. ^ Jamal 2019, pp. 193–220.
  17. ^
  18. ^
    • Kayyali 1979
    • Gerson 1987, p. 68
    • Hadawi 1991, p. 183
    • Beker, Avi (2008). Chosen: the history of an idea, the anatomy of an obsession. Macmillan. pp. 131, 139, 151.
    • Quoting Mr. Abouchaer of Syria, on p. 31: Carey, John; Carey, Henry F. (1987). Dinstein, Yoram; Tabory, Mala (eds.). "Hostility in United Nations Bodies to Judaism, as the Jewish People and Jews as Such". Israel Yearbook on Human Rights. Vol. 17. The Faculty of Law, Tel Aviv University / Martinus Nijhoff Publishers / Kluwer Academic Publishers. pp. 29–40. ISBN 90-247-3646-3. ISSN 0333-5925. LCCN 72-955544. HeinOnline isryhr0017.
    • Citing Soviet ideology, on p. 136: Korey, William (1987). Dinstein, Yoram; Tabory, Mala (eds.). "The Kremlin and the UN Zionism Equals Racism Resolution". Israel Yearbook on Human Rights. Vol. 17. The Faculty of Law, Tel Aviv University / Martinus Nijhoff Publishers / Kluwer Academic Publishers. pp. 133–148. ISBN 90-247-3646-3. ISSN 0333-5925. LCCN 72-955544. HeinOnline isryhr0017.
    • Harkabi, Yehoshafat, Arab attitudes to Israel, pp. 247–248
  19. ^ See for example: Alam 2009, or Gould-Wartofsky 2010
  20. ^