Law and Justice
Law and Justice Prawo i Sprawiedliwość | |
|---|---|
| Abbreviation | PiS |
| Chairman | Jarosław Kaczyński |
| Founders | Lech Kaczyński[1] Jarosław Kaczyński |
| Founded | 13 June 2001 |
| Split from |
|
| Headquarters | ul. Nowogrodzka 84/86, 02-018 Warsaw |
| Youth wing | Law and Justice Youth Forum |
| Membership | 48,000 (2023 est.)[2] |
| Ideology |
|
| Political position | Right-wing[A] |
| National affiliation | United Right |
| European affiliation | AEN (until 2009) ECR Party (since 2009) |
| European Parliament group | UEN (2004–2009) ECR Group (since 2009) |
| Colours | Blue White Red[3] Cyan[a] |
| Sejm | 179 / 460 |
| Senate | 34 / 100 |
| European Parliament | 20 / 53 |
| Regional assemblies | 258 / 552 |
| Voivodes | 0 / 16 |
| Voivodeship Marshals | 4 / 16 |
| City Presidents | 4 / 107 |
| Website | |
| pis.org.pl | |
^ A: The party is also considered economically left-wing,[12] or left-leaning.[16] | |
Law and Justice[b] (Polish: Prawo i Sprawiedliwość [ˈpravɔ i ˌspravjɛˈdlivɔɕt͡ɕ] ⓘ, PiS) is a right-wing populist and national-conservative political party in Poland. The party is a member of European Conservatives and Reformists Group. Its chairman has been Jarosław Kaczyński since 18 January 2003.
It was founded in 2001 by Jarosław and Lech Kaczyński as a direct successor of the Centre Agreement after it split from the Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS). It won the 2005 parliamentary and presidential elections, after which Lech became the president of Poland. It headed a parliamentary coalition with the League of Polish Families and Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland between 2005 and the 2007 election. It placed second and they remained in the parliamentary opposition until 2015. It regained the presidency in the 2015 election, and later won a majority of seats in the parliamentary election. They retained the positions following the 2019 and 2020 election, but lost their majority following the 2023 Polish parliamentary election.
During its foundation, it sought to position itself as a centrist Christian democratic party, although shortly after, it adopted more culturally and socially conservative views and began their shift to the right. Under Kaczyński's national-conservative and law and order agenda, PiS embraced economic interventionism.[26] It has also pursued close relations with the Catholic Church, although in 2011, the Catholic-nationalist faction split off to form United Poland.[27] During the 2010s, it also adopted right-wing populist positions. After regaining power, PiS gained popularity with more populist and social policies.[28] The party is also described as "left-paternalistic".[29][30]
It is a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists,[31] and on national-level, it heads the United Right coalition. It currently holds 190 seats in the Sejm and 34 in the Senate.
It has been accused of authoritarianism and contributing to democratic backsliding, and attracted widespread international criticism and domestic protest movements.[32]
- ^ "Historia PiS". e-sochaczew.pl (in Polish). Retrieved 11 November 2023.
- ^ Drabik, Piotr (1 June 2023). "PiS nie jest największą partią w Polsce. "Liczy się tylko kartel czterech"". Radio ZET (in Polish).
Drugie miejsce należy do Prawa i Sprawiedliwości, które przez 22 lata istnienia mocno ugruntowało się także w terenie. Sekretarz generalny partii Krzysztof Sobolewski przekazał nam, że ugrupowanie rządzące ma ok. 48 tys. członków. - Najwięcej w województwie mazowieckim - dodał. Na pytanie, jak liczebność PiS zmieniła się w ostatnich trzech latach, odpowiedział tylko: - Znacząco wzrosła.
[Second place belongs to Law and Justice, which has also become firmly established on the ground over its 22 years of existence. The party's general secretary Krzysztof Sobolewski told us that the ruling grouping has around 48,000 members. - The largest number in the Mazowieckie Voivodeship," he added. When asked how the size of PiS had changed in the last three years, he replied only: - It has increased significantly.] - ^ Fijołek, Marcin (2012). "Republikańska symbolika w logotypie partii politycznej Prawo i Sprawiedliwość". Ekonomia I Nauki Humanistyczne (19): 9–17. doi:10.7862/rz.2012.einh.23.
- ^ a b Ferfecki, Wiktor (30 August 2014). "Partyjny znaczek do liftingu". Rzeczpospolita (in Polish). Archived from the original on 7 August 2018.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
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- ^ "2006-01-27: Sondaż OBOP-u: PO na czele, LPR i PSL poza Sejmem". e-Polityka.pl (in Polish). 27 January 2006.
- ^ Bharti, Mukesh Shankar (2022). "The Government and Politics of Poland in the Light of the Constitutional Perspective since 1989" (PDF). Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego. 70 (6): 446. doi:10.15804/ppk.2022.06.32. ISSN 2082-1212.
The 2007 Polish parliamentary election is the best way to understand as a plebiscite over the government led by the polarizing Right and Justice Party and its controversial "Fourth Republic" political project.
- ^ Rajca, Konrad (2024). "Poland external relations briefing: Poland and Europe change migration strategy" (PDF). Weekly Briefing. 77 (4). China-CEE Institute: 3. ISSN 2939-5933.
The regulation of this issue is related to the practice of illegal issuance of visas during the previous Right and Justice (PiS) government, referred to as the "visa scandal."
- ^ Bogalska-Martin, Ewa (2019). "Implementing a "non-discrimination" policy in a country "without foreigners": the case of Poland". Management & Gouvernance: Entreprises. Territoires. Sociétés: 8.
The conservative and nationalist parties founded in the context of the integration of Poland into the EU in the 2000s (such as the League of Polish Families and the Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland party, and the formation of the Right and Justice - PiS in 2001) gradually seized and modified this model.
- ^ "Premier o PiS. "Myśl socjalistyczna również jest dla nas ważna"". Wirtualna Polska (in Polish). 21 July 2019. Retrieved 6 June 2023.
- ^ Turczyn, Andrzej (22 July 2019). "Mateusz Morawiecki: robotnicza myśl socjalistyczna jest głęboko obecna w filozofii Prawa i Sprawiedliwości". Trybun Broni Palnej (in Polish). Retrieved 24 June 2023.
- ^ Szeląg, Wojciech (24 May 2021). "Marek Goliszewski, prezes BCC: Polski Ład wystraszył nawet tych, którzy wspierają PiS". Interia (in Polish). Retrieved 24 June 2023.
- ^ Kołakowska, Agnieszka (9 October 2019). "In defense of Poland's ruling party". Politico. Archived from the original on 9 October 2019. Retrieved 24 June 2023.
- ^ Orenstein, Mitchell (4 July 2018). "Populism with socialist characteristics". The Jordan Times. Archived from the original on 4 July 2018. Retrieved 24 June 2023.
- ^ [21][22][23][24][25]
- ^ Bale, Tim; Szczerbiak, Aleks (December 2006). "Why is there no Christian Democracy in Poland (and why does this matter)?". SEI Working Paper (91). Sussex European Institute.
- ^ Santora, Marc (14 October 2019). "In Poland, Nationalism With a Progressive Touch Wins Voters (Published 2019)". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 October 2020.
- ^ Putintsev, Igor S. (2023). "The two-party tendency in Poland's political system: manifestations, causes and prospects". Baltic Region. 15 (1): 18–33. doi:10.5922/2079-8555-2023-1-2. ISSN 2310-0524. Archived from the original on 9 September 2024. Retrieved 24 March 2025.
Each party had something to offer them: PiS promoted leftist paternalistic views of the economy and social problems, while PO attracted people of secular thinking who opposed the intensification of clerical trends — a burning issue in Poland.
- ^ Havlík, Vratislav; Hloušek, Vít (2021). "Varying Degrees of Illiberalism: Comparison and Discussion". Illiberal Trends and Anti-Eu Politics in East Central Europe. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 127. ISBN 9783030546731.
In the case of Law and Justice, the notion of 'illiberalism' itself does not appear; but the very detailed doctrine of the party overall provides a set of characteristics of illiberal ideology that can be more easily grasped than in Hungary: a mistrust of the separation of powers, a mistrust of pluralism (of social and cultural pluralism perhaps even more than of political pluralism), a Christian social and national politically conservative position, exaggerated anti-communism, Euroscepticism and a left paternalist economic policy.
- ^ Nordsieck, Wolfram (5 June 2019). Parties and Elections in Europe: Parliamentary Elections and Governments since 1945, European Parliament Elections, Political Orientation and History of Parties. BoD – Books on Demand. ISBN 9783732292509.
- ^
Democratic backsliding:
- Licia Cianetti; James Dawson; Seán Hanley (2018). "Rethinking "democratic backsliding" in Central and Eastern Europe – looking beyond Hungary and Poland". East European Politics. 34 (3): 243–256. doi:10.1080/21599165.2018.1491401.
Over the past decade, a scholarly consensus has emerged that that democracy in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is deteriorating, a trend often subsumed under the label 'backsliding'. ... the new dynamics of backsliding are best illustrated by the one-time democratic front-runners Hungary and Poland.
- Piotrowski, Grzegorz (2020). "Civil Society in Illiberal Democracy: The Case of Poland". Politologický časopis – Czech Journal of Political Science. XXVII (2): 196–214. doi:10.5817/PC2020-2-196. ISSN 1211-3247. S2CID 226544116.
- Sata, Robert; Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel (2020). "Caesarean politics in Hungary and Poland". East European Politics. 36 (2): 206–225. doi:10.1080/21599165.2019.1703694. hdl:20.500.14018/13975. S2CID 213911605.
- Drinóczi, Tímea; Bień-Kacała, Agnieszka (2019). "Illiberal Constitutionalism: The Case of Hungary and Poland". German Law Journal. 20 (8): 1140–1166. doi:10.1017/glj.2019.83.
- Ágh, Attila (2019). Declining Democracy in East-Central Europe: The Divide in the EU and Emerging Hard Populism. Edward Elgar Publishing. pp. 175–176. ISBN 978-1-78897-473-8.
- Sadurski, Wojciech (2019). "Illiberal Democracy or Populist Authoritarianism?". Poland's Constitutional Breakdown. Oxford University Press. pp. 242–266. doi:10.1093/oso/9780198840503.003.0009. ISBN 978-0-19-884050-3.
- Lendvai-Bainton, Noemi; Szelewa, Dorota (2020). "Governing new authoritarianism: Populism, nationalism and radical welfare reforms in Hungary and Poland". Social Policy & Administration. 55 (4): 559–572. doi:10.1111/spol.12642.
- Fomina, Joanna; Kucharczyk, Jacek (2016). "Populism and Protest in Poland". Journal of Democracy. 27 (4): 58–68. doi:10.1353/jod.2016.0062. S2CID 152254870.
The 2015 victory of Poland's Law and Justice (PiS) party is an example of the rise of contemporary authoritarian populism... the PiS gained a parliamentary absolute majority; it has since drawn on this majority to dismantle democratic checks and balances. The PiS's policies have led to intensifying xenophobia, aggressive nationalism, and unprecedented polarisation that have engendered deep splits within Polish society and have given rise to social protest movements not seen in Poland since 1989.
- Markowski, Radoslaw (2019). "Creating Authoritarian Clientelism: Poland After 2015". Hague Journal on the Rule of Law. 11 (1): 111–132. doi:10.1007/s40803-018-0082-5. ISSN 1876-4053. S2CID 158160832.
- Surowiec, Paweł; Štětka, Václav (2020). "Introduction: media and illiberal democracy in Central and Eastern Europe". East European Politics. 36 (1): 1–8. doi:10.1080/21599165.2019.1692822. S2CID 212988926.
- Jaskulowski, Krzysztof; Majewski, Piotr (2023). "Populist in form, nationalist in content? Law and Justice, nationalism and memory politics". European Politics and Society. 24 (4): 461–476. doi:10.1080/23745118.2022.2058752.
PiS is building a state subordinated to the ideology of an ethnic-authoritarian nationalism... After winning the elections in 2015, PiS began the process of taking over the museum and to staff it with its own people, finally succeeding in April 2017 despite various protests and court cases.
- Ryzak, C. (2020). "The Law and Justice Party's Moral Pseudo-Revolution". Dissent. 67 (4). Project MUSE: 138–147. doi:10.1353/dss.2020.0077.
The danger that PiS's authoritarianism poses for labor was evident... a total ban on abortions was overwhelmingly opposed by the Polish population, leading to large women's protests in the streets.
- Bill, S. (16 September 2020). "Counter-Elite Populism and Civil Society in Poland: PiS's Strategies of Elite Replacement". East European Politics and Societies: And Cultures. 36 (1). SAGE Publications: 118–140. doi:10.1177/0888325420950800.
In 2016, when the government first announced plans to create this institution, domestic and international observers noted a lack of transparency and consultation as well as the potential for politicization or control of civil society.
- Licia Cianetti; James Dawson; Seán Hanley (2018). "Rethinking "democratic backsliding" in Central and Eastern Europe – looking beyond Hungary and Poland". East European Politics. 34 (3): 243–256. doi:10.1080/21599165.2018.1491401.
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